Armen Sarkissian Issues Statement

The President of Armenia, Armen Sarkissian, has just issued a statement in which he discusses the inevitability of building a substantive state.

The opportunity to restore Armenian statehood has been a dream of our people for centuries. This necessity arose not only from the need to have a national home to preserve our own culture, identity, and history, but also from the aspiration to become masters of our own destiny. This was the mission of our ancestors, who, against all odds, managed to maintain Armenian identity and develop Armenian civilization through all the severe and bloody trials of history.

Our ancestors left us a tremendous legacy, hoping that we would be able to pass it on to future generations in absolutely different qualitative forms.

The history of international relations shows that small countries often become victims of the interests of larger powers, as was the case with us during the Ottoman Empire. Those nations that were able to timely analyze the reasons for their failures and suffering and worked to correct their own mistakes, developed clear visions and development plans, managed to create systematically high-quality states capable not only of meeting the internal needs of their citizens and protecting them from external threats but also of creating conditions that allow them to compete with regional and even great powers, aligning their interests with theirs or occasionally becoming true and important allies.

Such examples exist, and they only confirm that with the right structure of political policy, diplomacy, and governance, even a people lacking natural resources can achieve great successes.

Today, we are experiencing another nationwide moment of psychological despair in our history, and it entirely depends on us whether we can overcome it and on what foundations we will build our future.

To this day, the reasons for our omissions are the consequences of deeply rooted and unresolved problems accumulated over the last three decades. It seems that each of us lacks the desire to take independent substantive responsibility for our destiny. This is not about the absence of self-criticism but rather its formal nature. We continue to seek specific points of support, 'saviors' in the form of individuals or countries capable of leading us down the right path, which will ultimately lead to welfare and security. In chasing after delusive searches, we have completely forgotten that this path is right before our eyes and is called the Republic of Independent Armenia.

Our millennia-long dream had been realized — finally, we have our home, flag, emblem, and anthem. We can finally be Armenians in a recognized Armenian state by the international community. For the first time in centuries, Armenians did not lose their lands but rather regained historical territories during the war imposed by an adversary many times superior to us in resources in the 1990s. We managed to do this because our driving force was dreams and dedication to national ideas. They were filled with incredible energy, and every Armenian particle around the world was maximally charged to achieve the nationwide goal.

Subsequent events showed just how much we underestimated that historical gift. Instead of building substantive programs for state and national construction based on the successful examples of small countries and peoples, we mostly engaged in imitative activities. We did not lose sight of the internal immunity — an effective system of state governance based on real distribution of responsibilities between the executive, legislative, and judicial branches. Such a model forms society and educates the citizen, who is the main value of any government. Such a citizen can grasp the importance of the possibility of choosing and being chosen. And most importantly, such a citizen will bear the responsibility for the choice standing before himself, his environment, and his country. The absence of such a system is an unacceptable luxury for countries existing under complex and geographically confined conditions.

In recent years, we have not conducted a comprehensive inventory to understand what the actual resource base is for long-term development models in the economy, high technology, the defense industry, science, education, and healthcare. Consequently, we failed to develop strategic effective concepts regarding external and defense policy, demographic, informational, and food security. After gaining independence, we did not fill it with specific content.

There is no need to go far for examples. In 1994, we liberated Artsakh, and up until September 27, 2020, we had no clear vision regarding the political future of Artsakh. There was only a diplomatic tactic not to allow a new war, which was doomed from the start. Our adversary insisted for twenty years that it would not permit the establishment of a second Armenian state in the Caucasus, acquiring modern weapons, engaging in active international lobbying, and creating networks of influence throughout the world for a single purpose. For what purpose? The question is rhetorical, as the answer is crystal clear.

We lost the moment we considered the mission of returning Artsakh completed. We did not pay enough attention to the actual guarantees of Artsakh's development and strengthening — population growth (the population of Artsakh remained the same), the perfection of military art, the renewal and saturation of armaments, and so on. We weakened and continued to live as if there were no more major challenges or threats. Of course, the victory in the Artsakh war became an inseparable part of our identity, and it is evident that today’s most terrible consequence is the very crisis of self-identification. The nation was awakening, living, working, and going to bed with the awareness that it was part of a victorious nation. Now, in the search for an answer, it asks — who am I now?

We lost in the information war, both in the external and internal arenas. For years, we presented the desired as reality. Lies — the imitation of reality — had infiltrated everywhere, becoming a threat to national security. In that imaginary world, we seemingly had an organized state, a thriving economy and science, a strong army, a democratic society, free press, while in reality the picture was entirely different. We managed to deceive only ourselves, and in doing so, we already signed under the paper of defeat.

To shake off all this, we need tremendous effort, the will and courage to look the bitter reality in the eye. We have found ourselves in difficult circumstances, yet we must not allow Armenia, Artsakh, and the Diaspora to consider themselves defeated.

A golden rule in politics holds true for all times — never say never. Yes, we have lost today on the battlefield and in the external front, for which the current government must bear responsibility. However, other challenges await us both internally and on the international stage. To preserve our statehood and elevate it to a fundamentally new level, we must put aside emotions and start the complex, unpleasant, yet necessary work, primarily on ourselves.

Today, we (and primarily the government, which is responsible to its citizens and the global Armenian community) must recognize the existence of a profound political, economic, social, and psychological crisis. Citizens have the complete moral right to demand specific answers in terms of time and content from the members of the National Assembly they have elected, the government, and the Prime Minister regarding the exit strategies from the crisis. The President of the Republic also has his role and responsibility.

The division of society can lead to catastrophic consequences; thus, the country and the people need healing. The only logical and civilized prescription is early elections within a reasonable timeframe, with necessary amendments to the Electoral Code and Constitution, enabling the real process of state building to start from a clean slate. Until then, an interim government of national consensus should be formed with the assistance of one of the legitimate, balanced, and impartial branches of power — the institution of the President. I see the main mission of this government in the realization of three objectives.

The first is the elimination of the immediate consequences of the war — the return of all captives, hostages, and displaced persons, proper treatment and care for the wounded, the repair of destroyed houses and apartments, and the provision of normal living conditions, including for the homeless.

The second is the preparation and implementation of a roadmap to bring the state out of the political and economic crisis.

The third is reforming the normative-legal base to create conditions for upcoming elections within reasonable timeframes, meaning amendments to the Electoral Code, the law on political parties, and of course, constitutional reforms. Based on this, the government should consist of professionals and experts specializing in specific fields.

I repeat — there is no need to seek ‘saviors of the nation’ or exceptional individuals; the country must be governed by institutions, and a system of checks and balances must function among the branches of power, with all citizens, without exception, unequivocally respecting the law and following it. Otherwise, we will find ourselves in permanent crises.

The Law with a capital L and adherence to it is the foundation of any healthy society and strong state; it is the guarantee of development and sustainability. Our political culture must be built upon this foundation. There is no other formula for constructing a stable and resilient state.

In a parliamentary governance system, the institution of the President appears externally symbolic or formal, yet internally it can become a lifeline in any political crisis. As the head of state and a follower of the Constitution, the institution of the President can become that irreplaceable platform where constitutional solutions and mechanisms for exit from the crisis can be formed through dialogue.

A question arises — is our Constitution ideal? The answer is one — no, like any country’s constitution. Everywhere in the world, debates and discussions are held about amendments to the fundamental laws of their countries. As a citizen of the Republic of Armenia, I have my opinion on the shortcomings of our Constitution, yet as the President of the Republic, I am obliged to adhere to the letter of the law. We can yield to emotions, yet all political demands must be carried out within the framework of the law.

The ‘Third Republic of Armenia’ is no longer in the past; we are confronted with a new reality that compels us to be extremely sober, accountable, and purposeful. The national carefreeness, disorder, indiscipline, and inconsistency, the false agendas, ideas, and approaches that have accompanied us for the past decades must be thrown into the archives of history.

Unfortunately, until today, there is no comprehensive understanding of the actual dimensions and reasons of the dramatic events that have taken place in Armenia and the Armenian world. We need to understand that we are starting a new chapter in history with its challenges, and this time with the imperative to act skillfully and professionally so as not to err.

Whatever we call this new chapter — ‘New Page,’ ‘Restart,’ ‘New Beginning,’ ‘Onset of Revival,’ ‘Fourth Republic,’ or anything else — the reality is that we are entering a new phase in history.

After the nationwide shock caused by the war and the mandatory transitional phase, we must embark on the construction of a new state, which we conditionally call the ‘Fourth Republic’ in this article.

The regime change in 2018 could have marked the beginning of a new phase in our history, which had sufficient grounds for popular consolidation, enthusiasm, and support, yet it became the end of the previous phase without offering a new ideology. The defeat in the last war was a failure of that system, not of the soldier, the people, and the nation.

The ‘Fourth Republic’ must become the new ideological, conceptual, and substantive foundation for our people. Emphasis will be placed on the quality of the state, which requires a radical rethinking of our relationships with all our compatriots around the world. Geopolitical perceptions, politics, economy, security, defense industry, medicine, science, and education are created by people, and today we feel an acute need for the best specialists.

There has never been a lack of prominent Armenians; we simply need to stop being proud of their existence and make them a part of our state reality. This requires removing the artificially created Berlin walls between Armenia and the Armenian communities (which exist in the Constitution and laws). Having extensive experience in communicating with our Diaspora, I can confidently attest to the presence of this enormous potential. I reiterate that to uncover and effectively utilize this potential, a systematic state approach and proper management are required.

Challenging work awaits us, but I have no doubt about eventual success. The main thing is for everyone to believe in this and participate in bringing that day closer in proportion to their abilities and opportunities. We do not have the luxury of time for lengthy reflection.

The moment has come for cold-headed, rapid, and effective actions aimed at creating a modern country ready to face the challenges of the 21st century based on new technologies and thinking — a FUTURE ARMENIA. We will talk later about the paths to achieve this.