Azerbaijan Continues Its Provocative Behavior, Exemplified by Actions in Khzraberd and Berdadzor

Dear compatriots,

Due to technical issues with the video message, and considering the urgency of the situation, I am publishing the full text of my address regarding the consequences of the war, the current challenges, and the necessary actions from the authorities in various sectors ahead of resolving the technical issues pertaining to the video.

With that said, I have of course addressed the issue of new prisoners of war to the extent that information is currently available. This was stated by the President of Artsakh, Araik Harutyunyan, on his Facebook page.

"Dear compatriots, despite the heavy losses imposed by the Azerbaijani-Turkish alliance during the brutal war, which has caused us to lose significant portions of our sacred homeland and thousands of bright lives, thanks to the collective strength and will of our people, and the blood of our devoted sons, we have managed to preserve part of Artsakh, the historical 10th province of Greater Armenia, where the Armenian people of Artsakh will continue to live, create, and fight for their rights, freedoms, national dignity, and perpetuity.

First and foremost, I would like to express my deepest condolences to the families of all the fallen and the entire Armenian nation for the irretrievable and heavy losses. We are eternally grateful and indebted to every hero who fell for the Homeland and their families, and we also appreciate every person who participated in the defense of our country in any form, from soldiers to diasporan children, from the front lines to the deep rear.

As previously announced, a three-day mourning period will be declared starting December 19 in the Republics of Artsakh and Armenia, in memory of our compatriots who died during the war.

It should be noted that despite the existing serious challenges, the independence and Constitution of the Republic of Artsakh continue to function as before, rather more, obliging us to continue the fight for our historic, value-based, and legal-political foundations of the Artsakh movement more decisively.

It is also important to recognize that the protection of human rights in international relations remains a mere declarative wish, with the international community largely failing to fulfill its obligations regarding it, turning a blind eye to the appalling facts of crimes against humanity committed against the Armenian people.

In this extremely difficult situation, we must look reality in the eye, recognize existing problems, set clear goals, and diligently, consistently, intelligently, and collaboratively work towards achieving those goals.

Briefly, I will present what we have and what we must do by sector:

Security. Certainly, ensuring the safety of our citizens is the state’s primary priority, as without a secure environment it is impossible to achieve success and development in other sectors. In this context, it is fully understandable that even in the post-war period, the issues most concerning citizens and authorities relate to security and associated uncertainties. On one hand, we have a contact line with the Azerbaijani side that has expanded approximately two and a half times due to the war, with direct approaches to certain parts of our settlements and severely limited means of communication with Mother Armenia; on the other hand, we face limited human and technical resources and constrained time to fortify the new front line, while on the third side, we have security guarantees stemming from the continuous support of the entire Armenian people and the presence of the Russian peacekeeping forces.

Currently, the authorities of Artsakh are doing everything possible within our powers and capabilities to neutralize security challenges and clarify uncertainties, some of which also depend on the results of high-level international negotiations. Nevertheless, independent of existing objective difficulties, one thing is evident for us: the Defense Army, with the support of the entire Armenian populace, will continue its functions and efforts to ensure the physical safety of the Artsakh population, complemented by the guarantees provided by the Russian peacekeeping forces.

Furthermore, the Azerbaijani side continues its persistent provocative behavior, exemplified by their recent actions in the Khzraberd and Berdadzor regions. Various provocations by Azerbaijani armed forces have been thwarted by the soldiers of the Defense Army and Russian peacekeepers; last night they were pushed back from near the old village of Shushi. Recently, there have been no casualties in the Berdadzor direction, and the enemy has not been allowed to enter any inhabited areas. Unfortunately, several dozen of our soldiers have become prisoners of war in the Khzraberd direction, and the Ministry of Defense is currently clarifying all circumstances. I will personally ensure that those responsible for this incident are held legally accountable. Their swift and safe return to the Homeland must be the focus of our upcoming endeavors, and we are already taking steps in that direction.

Considering the peacekeeping mandate assumed by the Russian Federation in Artsakh, it is clear that violations of the provisions of the trilateral statement of November 9 and the established contact line represent a blatant disrespect toward both Russia's mediation efforts and peacekeeping mandate. Therefore, in cooperation with the military-political leadership of the Republic of Armenia, we are working with the Russian side to jointly prevent Azerbaijani provocations, and the Defense Army will, of course, be fulfilling its obligations simultaneously within the limits of existing capabilities.

Foreign Policy. The foreign policy directions and priorities of the Republic of Artsakh have generally not changed, though their intensity has varied. In particular, the following key directions and objectives must be distinguished:

The primary direction of foreign policy is ensuring the security of the people of Artsakh also through political means. The entire foreign political potential of the Republics of Artsakh and Armenia must wisely and consistently serve the fulfillment of this priority objective, ensuring a stable, lasting, and dignified secure environment for living in our homeland.
The second direction is the clarification of issues related to the international status of Artsakh, which implies the international recognition of the independence of the Republic of Artsakh, based on the unconditional recognition of our people's right to self-determination. If during the pre-war period, the resolution of the conflict was based on three fundamental principles — the exclusion of the use of force and threats, the right of peoples to self-determination, and territorial integrity — this war has merely rendered the meanings of two of them obsolete — the principle of the exclusion of the use of force and the principle of territorial integrity.
It is particularly true that it is no longer up for discussion that Azerbaijan resorted to the use of force, during which it systematically and deliberately committed numerous war crimes against humanity with the active involvement of Turkey and mercenaries. Moreover, there are currently no visible grounds to assert that the international community wishes to punish Azerbaijan for the unlawful use of force and crimes against humanity.
Additionally, as a result of the use of force and political arrangements, not only does Azerbaijan not have a territorial integrity issue from the perspective of international perception, but it has also seized certain territories belonging to the Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh declarations in 1991, in addition to other territories taken in the 1990s, rendering tens of thousands of indigenous Armenians homeless.
Therefore, if the two principles have become obsolete, it is imperative to immediately implement the recognition of the self-determination of the people of Artsakh in order to make it possible to consider conflict resolution. In this regard, it is essential to consider both the deprivations and sufferings endured by the people of Artsakh, along with the existing existential risks of new atrocities, viewing the international recognition of the Republic of Artsakh as a compensatory and preventive mechanism. It is clear to everyone that internationally recognized status will provide significant practical guarantees for the protection of our people’s security and rights.
The third direction is the restoration of the territorial integrity of the Republic of Artsakh, which carries both security and humanitarian significance for our people.
The fourth direction is addressing humanitarian issues, which includes resolving problems related to prisoners of war and the missing, ensuring the return of displaced persons to their residences, and providing proper protection for spiritual and cultural heritage. In this context, ensuring continuous international humanitarian support is crucial, with the Russian Federation becoming a frontrunner in providing direct and substantial assistance to Artsakh. I hope that other countries and international major organizations will take this as an example to finally break the ice of Artsakh's artificial international isolation.
Undoubtedly, the unconditional, permanent, and invaluable support of the Republic of Armenia to Artsakh cannot be regarded from this perspective; the focus is solely on international support.
The fifth direction is foreign policy aimed at socio-economic development and attracting foreign investments, through which we aim to eliminate international isolation from an economic perspective.

Humanitarian and Social Sphere. Artsakh is wounded not only by human and territorial losses but also by the emergence of numerous and acute humanitarian issues, ranging from missing persons and prisoners to shelters and destroyed buildings, from social security to psychological trauma. Therefore, in addition to the challenges and needs existing during the pre-war period, there are now enormous new necessities, which necessitates a more effective and responsible performance of public authority.

We must first and foremost tackle the issues of ensuring shelter and minimum social conditions for our homeless citizens in the short term. Concurrently, and particularly after that, we will need to guarantee favorable conditions for improving the quality of life for all our citizens and the socio-economic development of the Republic.

To this end, we plan to initiate several projects, in particular:

To jointly ensure, with the Republic of Armenia, the return of as many prisoners as possible, while also actively continuing the search for the bodies of the fallen and the missing.
To resolve the issue of temporary accommodation for homeless citizens in a short time frame, through centralized accommodation in various structures, appropriate compensation for rent, rapid housing construction, and possible other programs.
To provide housing conditions for all homeless people within three years.
To pay the amounts of their mortgage loans and their interest on behalf of citizens over the next three years.
To provide substantial support for servicing loans of both physical and legal persons.
To significantly increase the provision of construction materials to improve the living conditions in villages.
A program has also been launched for compensating rent for homeless citizens.
In collaboration with the Republic of Armenia, a one-time financial support program is being launched and continued for non-conscription residents of Artsakh.
In cooperation with Armenia, a program providing assistance of 300,000 or 250,000 AMD to citizens left homeless is already in effect, depending on the location of residence.
To allocate a monthly social support of 68,000 AMD for unemployed citizens for at least six months.
To subsidize the consumption of gas, electricity, fixed volumes of communications, and other utility costs for at least a year with flexible ratios based on consumer preferences and needs, while the declared limits will be raised.
To declare a tax amnesty and establish broad tax incentives.
To inventory the material damages recorded as a result of the war for subsequent discussions on possible compensations.
To asphalt all roads leading to villages within three years.

Of course, what I have mentioned represents only a portion of state programs, and after the short-term programs aimed at overcoming the existing crisis, we will develop and implement longer-term development programs. The implementation of these and other programs will be made possible not only thanks to the resources of the Republic of Artsakh but also with the support of the Republic of Armenia, the diaspora, the “Armenia” All-Armenian Fund, and the active assistance of the Russian Federation. I hope that various international organizations and other foreign governments will follow the examples of Armenia and Russia and provide continuous and direct humanitarian assistance to Artsakh.

Domestic Policy. The war, with its heavy losses, itself is a great source of crisis for state and political systems. On the other hand, any state requires internal stability and joint efforts during wartime and post-war periods, otherwise crises can linger and deepen. For me, it is of course understandable the actions aimed at demanding clarifications from the authorities of the Republics of Artsakh and Armenia regarding the outcomes of the war and the existing situation since every authority must be accountable for the execution and non-execution of its powers and answerable to the people.

Yes, I bear responsibility under the Constitution of the Republic of Artsakh for this situation within the framework of the powers vested in me; however, while attributing responsibility to anyone, it is necessary to distinguish between the objective reasons and subjective faults, desires and capabilities. For instance, if under the Constitution the President of the Republic is the guarantor of Artsakh's sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity, and security, did I have adequate internal and external capacities and levers to fully guarantee these four values during this extensive war, and did I not do everything within my capabilities in this direction? Or if the President of the Republic is the supreme commander of the armed forces, then for whom is it a secret how and from where the Defense Army is actually governed and how involved the President of the Republic is in those processes?

In the conditions of a deep disparity between constitutional powers and real-life functional constraints, I believe I did everything possible to contribute to the most important task of defending the Homeland, regardless of my official and unofficial authorities and resources.

In this 44-day war, there are three main questions and the criticisms stemming from them. The first is whether it was right to stop the war on November 9 under those conditions, and I have sincerely answered this question multiple times that the alternative at that moment would have been far greater human and territorial losses, including complete dispossession. The second question is whether the war could have been stopped earlier with comparatively better conditions and fewer losses, and the third is whether it was possible to ensure that the Armenian armed forces were better prepared for the war in advance. The answers to the last two questions are affirmative, but I will address the details on another occasion...

Nevertheless, regardless of my real and objective degree of responsibility for the existing situation, after the war, I was prepared to resign from my powers as President of the Republic, but I refrained from taking that step for several fundamental reasons:

First, should Artsakh, which is confronted with the humanitarian catastrophe resulting from the war and mired in numerous deprivations, enter a prolonged phase of political tension and instability of governance instead of rapidly consolidating and addressing the existing needs of the people? I believe the answer is obvious; it would be at least irresponsible to leave the people suffering and enter the circus of internal political struggles.
Second, do we have any proper or even minimum assurance of an environment to conduct and hold early presidential and parliamentary elections amid serious external and security challenges?
Third, we must also not forget the constitutional provisions that are structured in such a way that early presidential and parliamentary elections at this phase could create a constitutional crisis, deepening the overall state crisis.
Fourth, and finally, I am not one to shy away from responsibility; rather, during this difficult time, I am fully assuming responsibility for helping our Homeland and people overcome the post-war crisis. As for the actions and behavior of myself and other officials during the war, I welcome the reports submitted to law enforcement agencies by various civil society organizations regarding possible state treason and other alleged crimes. I am ready to fully assist law enforcement in conducting an effective investigation regarding this matter and am also prepared to personally provide clarifications. As for the investigation's outcome and the subsequent actions stemming from them, not only am I ready to take my share of responsibility, but I am also obliged to ensure, within the limits of my powers, that the guilty parties are held accountable and that the identified issues are resolved.

Now, regarding my decisions and future actions, I would like to emphasize the following points:

I have initiated political consultations with all interested parliamentary and extra-parliamentary forces and various civil society groups to combine our efforts in overcoming this crisis. There are already concrete agreements with several forces, and we are continuing discussions with others, and I see the possibility of cooperating with all.
It should be emphasized that collaboration should be in a broad sense and not limited to the assumption of political responsibility in the form of appointments of specific individuals in various positions. In other words, every capable and devoted force and individual must be given the opportunity to serve our common purpose.
Although the Constitution endows the President of the Republic with broad powers, based on the principles of cooperation and unity, I am prepared to make decisions of vital importance for the Homeland and the people in concert with the National Assembly, the Security Council, and broader socio-political circles.
In general, conducting public discussions must become an organic part of our political culture and governance system.
I have decided to resign from the presidency of the "Free Homeland" party and leave the party so that I can act and be perceived as the apolitical leader of the state as the President, as a figure who must be accepted as a unifying person, especially in times of crisis.
At the same time, being aware of public and political sentiments regarding the necessity of my resignation from the position of President due to the war, I would like to note that I am prepared to resign at the first possible opportunity, when the Republic is ready in terms of internal and external conditions and constitutional regulations to properly and honorably overcome the difficulties of presidential and parliamentary elections.
In the coming days, I will approve the new structure of the government, optimizing various departments to enhance their efficiency and save public funds.
I will also establish a new composition of the government with significant personnel changes, including in security structures. I would like to emphasize that in selecting new personnel, I will prioritize their human and professional qualities as well as public authority.
All presidential decrees and government decisions related to the defense and security of the Republic of Artsakh will only be adopted with a positive conclusion from the Security Council, and appropriate mechanisms for other relevant legal acts by governmental bodies will be developed.
The composition of the Security Council will be expanded to include representatives from various socio-political circles, not just specific authorized officials.

State Governance. Currently, the system of state governance is generally in crisis, negatively impacting the effectiveness of efforts to overcome the consequences of the war. Therefore, I plan to make all major structural and personnel changes within a few days and to accelerate and multiply the efforts to resolve urgent issues.

After minimally satisfying the urgent needs of the people, we must embark on governance reforms, some of which we planned during the pre-war period, while others have emerged in the wartime and post-war context. As a result of these long-term reforms, the professional capacities of public servants will improve, and the efficiency of governance, citizen service, spending of public funds, implementation of state programs, and several other processes and institutions will increase.

I urge all state governing bodies and officials to perform their duties with great responsibility and care in overcoming post-war challenges. None of us has the moral right to rest easy if we know that the resolution of a soldier or missing person's family, an injured, a homeless, or any other vulnerable person's situation depends on us. None of us can afford to be lavish when many people are deprived of the minimal conditions for life, when the children of the fallen or missing require simple attention.

Every public servant must be aware that currently all residents of Artsakh are vulnerable in one way or another, and we are all obliged to serve them; we must be examples of care and service for others. I expect that an unprecedented atmosphere of mutual aid and solidarity will prevail in our society for a long time, allowing us to rapidly overcome this crisis.

By the way, in this context, I would like to address public sentiments regarding individuals who have avoided fulfilling their duties on the front line and in the rear. Yes, there is justified condemnation and demand for accountability from the public towards them, and both high-ranking officials and various staff from lower levels of public service as well as the private sector have been dismissed based on this. During the war, I published a list of some high-ranking officials who were relieved from their positions. Moreover, those who shirked their duties in frontline and rear responsibilities should not be afforded any opportunity to hold high office in the future since those who evaded their duties during the most decisive moments cannot serve the very people. However, regarding the employees of lower levels, considering the diversity of cases, certain legal and pending issues, this matter should become a subject of separate examination to make fair decisions.

Nevertheless, it should be emphasized that in applying incentives, employers must take into account the behavior of the respective employee during the war, excluding unfair decisions towards conscientious employees.

Dear compatriots,

We face numerous problems and challenges during this period — at times uncontrollable and uncertain for us. Yet, we are obliged to stand firm for the salvation and development of our Homeland for our previous and future generations. As a nation, we are determined to emerge with honor from this severe situation, to straighten our backs, and to move forward in our historical journey. We simply cannot afford to fail at this stage, which could signify a failure for all stages. This is our just struggle — the natural continuation of our ancestors' battle, and we will undoubtedly succeed.

Strength, security, and perpetuity to the Holy Armenian Homeland!"