Politics

Incumbent Government Lacks Prospects for Re-election: Interview with Robert Kocharian

Incumbent Government Lacks Prospects for Re-election: Interview with Robert Kocharian

The second President of Armenia, Robert Kocharian, answered questions from the newspaper "Golos Armenii," addressing issues related to domestic and foreign policy as well as his legal proceedings. Below we present excerpts from the interview:

- The government lacks a clear development ideology. What do you intend to oppose to "naked" populism, in other words, on what basis do you justify your return to politics? The state needs a viable development project, and people want to know what will happen to the country tomorrow, since time is working against both the Prime Minister and Armenia and Artsakh.

- Administrative experience, a conceptual program for the economic and social development of the country, and a professional and predictable team of managers. The state apparatus must operate like clockwork, in a way that is understandable to society. Without that, it is simply impossible to implement the successful modernization, reforms, and effective management of the country. I have a successful experience governing in Artsakh and Armenia. For the last ten years, I have been a member of the board of directors of a large investment company operating in various sectors of the economy. Therefore, I have unique experience in implementing military and state-building, large-scale socio-economic reforms, as well as a grasp of contemporary business mechanisms. Are there many such experienced individuals in Armenia?

- For part of society, being in the opposition means being with Kocharian; otherwise, resisting government abuses is not considered effective. How long do you intend to follow a waiting strategy, and when will you express your views on a specific framework for the opposition aimed at creating a "consensus minus one" situation? It is known that there is no opposition in parliament as such; a functioning alternative political pole can only be formed with your participation and around you.

- I believe that the idea of "consensus minus one" has already taken shape in the political field. Everyone sees that the state apparatus serves not the development programs of the country but rather one person’s instincts and whims, stemming from their extremely simplistic worldview. Today, everyone speaks about the simplicity of the authorities and their functional impotence. Hence, there is fertile ground for mobilization in the opposition arena. However, I do not think that a unified center for this mobilization will be created immediately. I presume there will be several centers with varying degrees of attraction, but active cooperation among them will be ensured. Moreover, the politically active intellectual segment of society will center around this. I will be an important link in these processes, but certainly not the only one. The country needs a broad coalition of healthy forces. This process will certainly also lead to the radicalization of parliamentary opposition; otherwise, it will lose its electoral base. In the autumn, the process of mobilization and partnership in the opposition field will be completed, and political struggle will acquire a structured and large-scale nature.

- Don’t you think that the non-standard situation in the political field requires non-standard approaches? Otherwise, discontent from “below” may lead once again to the question of power being resolved in the street, and another populist may come to power instead of one. How should this danger be prevented?

- I believe that the question of power will be decided on the street anyway... through extraordinary parliamentary elections. The current government, given its quality of governance, will not endure for long and has no prospects for re-election. Voters will become fully fed up with populists and will be more demanding when making their choice. Normally, failed populists are replaced by experienced, educated, and balanced pragmatists; this is the logic of political processes. A fresh example is the results of Greece’s extraordinary parliamentary elections.

- The increase in the role of the Turkish-Azerbaijani factor in the Georgian economy and the complex relations between the US and Iran pose new quality challenges for the future of Armenia and Artsakh. Is our country ready to confront these challenges, or can we finally lose our opportunity for development?

- Do you share the concerns of political scientists that, by isolating you and discrediting the Republican Party, the government is trying to draw Armenia into geopolitical agreements with the US against Iran? In other words, does your vendetta have a geopolitical aim, or is this about settling old scores, or an attempt to place the blame for the events of March 1, 2008, on you?

- The determination to isolate me at any cost through completely fabricated accusations raises many questions. If this is just a focused vendetta, then the psychological profile of the Prime Minister should worry society. Political scientists dislike irrationality, and they are looking for understandable motives for my persecution. Their concerns are somewhat true; however, they remain in the realm of analytical conclusions.

- There is an obvious false start to the presidential election campaign in the Republic of Artsakh. Do you believe in the export of revolution from Armenia, which would lead to extraordinary presidential and parliamentary elections?

- I hope this will not happen, despite the persistent efforts of Armenian authorities. Extraordinary elections generally reflect political crises, and there are no signs of such crises in Artsakh. Creating a hand-crafted crisis there would be a profound display of irresponsibility and treachery against national interests. The people of Artsakh must show resilience and reject any attempts at destructive intervention.

- The farce around justice has shown how afraid political fraudsters are of you. Don’t you think that the opposition movement can be led in any situation, and that this is a shorter path to freedom and justice than going through trials under the blatant pressure of the authorities on judges?

- What is happening today with Armenian justice will be considered a disgrace for years to come. The number of gross violations of my rights over the past year of persecution is shocking even to the most seasoned lawyers. During the "trial" session, they wouldn’t even allow the accused to be publicly deprived of all rights, which even the medieval "justice" practitioners would not permit. Currently, illegality continues, and through various tricks, they are preventing me from appealing the unlawful decision regarding my detention. The country’s prosecution service has transformed into a political inquisition. It is hard to imagine that such arbitrary actions could happen anywhere else. The judicial component forced upon my political activity by the authorities is difficult to ignore. I am compelled to combine opposition activity and legal defense while in captivity, if one can call it that. However, there is one positive aspect in all this. In their hysteria, the authorities discarded the humanitarian image of the fighter for justice, demonstrating to everyone that their slogans and expressed values have no relation to reality. This is extremely important for the thinking segment of society, and the authorities have already lost its support. You can read the full interview on the original source's website.

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